
Filibuster: Friend or Foe? Should Rules Be Changed?
April 10, 2005
by Joseph P. Tartaro
Executive Editor

In 1841, when the Democratic minority hoped to block a bank bill promoted by Sen. Henry Clay (KY), Clay threatened to change Senate rules to allow the majority to close debate. Sen. Thomas Hart Benton (MO) angrily rebuked his colleague, accusing Clay of trying to stifle the Senates right to unlimited debate. Unlimited debate remained in place in the Senate until 1917, whenat the suggestion of President Woodrow Wilsonthe Senate adopted a rule that allowed the Senate to end a debate with a two-thirds majority votea tactic known as cloture.
The new Senate rule was put to the test in 1919, when the Senate invoked cloture to end a filibuster against the Treaty of Versailles. In 1975, the Senate reduced the number of votes required for cloture from two-thirds (67) to three-fifths (60) of the 100-member Senate.
Americans who remember that Jimmy Stewart conducted an hours-long suspenseful filibuster as Sen. Jefferson Smith in Capras film may also recall that he was blocking a huge land grab by the corrupt senior senator from his state, played by Claude Rains, at the demand of a big-money political broker played by Edward Arnold. The land the bad pols wanted had previously been set aside for a community youth project. It was only the one-senators filibuster that thwarted evil and corrupt politicians in the film, as Capra showed that the filibuster was one of the few ways to block the tyranny of a narrow but powerful majority of the Senate.
In his early March column for Newsmax.com, Koch poses some questions and provides his answer: Should the permissible goal of filibuster be to force the president to withdraw a candidate or a piece of legislation from consideration? Or should it be to permit the opponents of a judicial candidate or of pending legislation adequate time to influence their colleagues mindset and to rally public opinion. I think it should be the latter.
Koch sees no reason to change the rules for supposed super majorities to gain momentary partisan advantage because he predicts that such a change could work against the Republicans when and if the Democrats regain majority control of the Senate and/or the White House.
He is not alone in recommending against such a change. Gun Owners of America (GOA) also opposes it. GOA noted that last year, the renewal of the semi-auto ban had 52 votes in the Senatea clear majority. President Bush had agreed to sign it into law. And sponsors had the ability to tack it onto a huge must-pass money bill in the House.
Grassroots opposition to the gun ban renewal helped, as did gun rights lobbying on Capitol Hill by various organizations. But GOA says that their enlistment of a friendly senator to threaten a filibuster was what ultimately kept the semi-auto ban out of the Department of Defense authorization bill.
In similar fashion, a filibuster by former Sen. Bob Smith (R-NH) slowed down post-Columbine legislation. GOA notes that had it not been for that filibuster, we would have been saddled with legislation which would have: effectively eliminated gun shows; imposed a semi-automatic import ban; required that you keep trigger locks on your guns at all times, and implemented a lifetime gun ban for playground fights and other juvenile indiscretions.
The bottom line? Filibusters have saved the day for gunowners and countless others. The rules should not be changed.